294-306 see also Baiâo, Antonio and Bensaúde, Joaquim, O manuscrito Valentim Fernandes ( Lisbon, 1940), 220. Google Scholarġ4 Hereafter “Roteiros,” although the original title is “Livro das Rotas da Madeira até a Mina” in the Codex Hispanicus 27, ff. ( Rome, 1966), 8 Google Scholar Stewart, C.C., “ Southern Saharan Scholarship and the Bilad ai-Sudan,” JAH 13( 1970), 73– 93 Google Scholar Nicolaisen, Johannes, Structures politiques et socials des Touareg de l'Aïr et de l'Ahaggar ( Niamey, 1982) Google Scholar Norris, H.T., “ Znaga Islam during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” BSOAS 32( 1985), 496– 526 CrossRef Google Scholar Pollet, Eric and Winter, Grace, La société Soninké ( Brussels, 1971). Navigazione Atlantiche del Veneziano Alvisa da Mosto, ed. See Barth, Heinrich, Reisen und Entdeckungen in Nord- und Centrai-Afrika in den Jähren 18 ( 5 vols.: Gotha, 1857), 5: 511 Google Scholar In Nuovo Ramusio. In western Saharan society, Tuareg clans formed a warrior class, while the black Soninke were their dependents, who might have been sold as slaves by their lords. Diogo Gomes was the first to actually see Malagueta on the Gambia in 1445, but the malagueta coast was not discovered until after Henry's the Navigator's death in 1460.ġ While Heinrich Barth derived Azeneg from Asuanik (Soninke), Ca da Mosto in the la Relazione describes the Azeneg as veil-bearers across the face, which points to Tuareg. The Portuguese initially were attracted by gold at the Rio d'Ouro (later Spanish Sahara), then slaves, and eventually malagueta-a substitute for Indian pepper-commodities known on the Lisbon market and which served to name the coasts: malagueta, marfim, ouro, esclavos. Avelino Teixeira da Mota in his “Topónimos de origem portuguesa” focused on Portuguese names still surviving in the nineteenth century, but I will focus here on contemporary fifteenth- and sixteenth-century nomenclature and what it might reveal about the African discoveries. The Portuguese legacy to Africa is enshrined in coastal toponymy until today. Last, but not least, this is to help students of Liberian and West African history with a review of the early sources-among which maps are by far the most abundant. Furthermore I intend to review the discovery of the coast in the perspective of overall Portuguese policy and politics (interior and foreign). I had wanted to write this paper, which reconstructs the discovery and commercial exploitation of the coast through a systematic analysis of published maps and reports, ever since I walked and paddled along this coast in 1968. It is similar with Liberia's rubber and iron ore industry of the twentieth century. The Malagueta Coast can serve as a classic example of a region which was integrated into the world economy as a result of world demand for its resources-spices and labor in the fifteenth/sixteenth centuries, and again in the nineteenth century palm oil, cocos fiber, and labor-and has sunk into oblivion once the demand ceased.
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